Pravin Gordhan’s contribution included the negotiated transition to democracy, the new Constitution and the transformation of the state apparatus and the public sector
I have known Pravin Gordhan (PG) most of my adult life. We lived on the same street — Prince Edward — in the centre of Durban. There were whispers among the close-knit community about the “Congress man” who lived in the flat above Saptah Mandir (the local temple). It would be 16 years before I came into any kind of personal contact with PG.
The schools boycott of 1980 brought the wave of student protest to coloured and Indian schools and universities and, like the Soweto uprising, gave birth to a new generation of young activists and militants.
As the boycott ran the risk of losing momentum, PG came to see us. He argued that we had to consolidate the gains we had made, and that we should be strategic about the way in which we should return to the classroom. Of course, being very young and militant, we argued with him.
Persuasively and patiently, he gave those of us present our first lesson in strategy and tactics. And little did we know that he was already a leading figure in the underground structures of the then banned ANC.
It was a heady time, the 1980s, and I soon found myself drawn into activism and militancy. Organically as well as systematically, the process of my political awakening, development and maturation unfolded. PG was central to that process, always focusing on the tasks at hand and managing the intricate details to advance the progress towards the ideals contained in the Freedom Charter.
He was central to the revival of the Natal Indian Congress, which was the only “unbanned” organisation in the Congress alliance. He knew that this would allow a voice to fill the void that had been created by the banning of the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP) in the 1960s, and provide one more platform for a re-emergence of activism and advancing the struggle for freedom.
Under the tutelage of a collective of leaders — PG, Vish Sewpersadh, Yunus Mahomed and Yusuf Vawda among them — a whole generation of young activists were schooled in the art and science of revolutionary practice in the fight against apartheid.
PG was a communist and, together with his collective, painstakingly developed the concept of the organisational method. Over many years of dedicated and hard work, the ground was laid in the Natal region for a successful and overwhelming defeat of the President’s Council proposals that would have seen the co-option of coloured and Indian people into the apartheid laager through the tricameral parliament.
As the reawakening of activism unfolded across South Africa, and the conditions became ripe for national unity, the United Democratic Front (UDF) was launched. At the heart of the UDF lay one guiding strategic imperative — to build resilient and progressive organisations. PG’s fingerprints were to be found all over this historical moment.
Quietly, behind the scenes, not seeking the limelight but urging strategic action and progress towards objectives, PG displayed resilience and tenacity. He did not suffer fools, and less so the unprincipled and unethical. To be in the presence of PG either inspired or irked one, and many lazy-minded and glory-seeking individuals experienced the sharp edge of his rebuke.
I remember PG as the motivator, the mentor and a loyal comrade. At the same time as the mass democratic movement was being formed, the political and military underground structures of the ANC and SACP were being built and strengthened. This complex duality required careful thought, strategic planning and courage.
PG did not shy away and soon became the joint secretary of the Durban politico-military committee. Many people questioned whether he was a truly courageous and militant cadre. I have always known the answer to that question, and it was laid bare when we were arrested for our work in Operation Vula.
Charged with terrorism in apartheid South Africa, it became clear that PG was deeply involved in all the facets of South Africa’s struggle. Released with indemnity from the charges as we entered a new era in the country’s transitional period, he immediately bounced back into active public duty.
Much has been written about PG’s contribution to the process of our negotiated transition to democracy, the birth of South Africa’s democratic Constitution and the transformation of the state apparatus and the public sector.
He attended the Congress for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) as a party negotiator, but to be nominated as co-chairperson of the transitional executive council is testament to his capacity and objectivity. Bridging the divide between conflicted parties and steering a progressive path to negotiated outcomes requires intellect, strategic capability and courage: PG displayed all of this.
In the first democratic parliament of the government of national unity, PG was an MP, and he chaired the parliamentary constitutional committee tasked with ushering in South Africa’s democratic Constitution. In conversation with him about this period, he expressed how remarkable our story, as a nation, was (and still is); how fortunate our generation was to have been part of this historical epoch; and how we should continue with our endeavours to advance the cause of freedom and democracy for our people.
The more recent period in PG’s history is more well-known. As commissioner of the South African Revenue Services, he once again brought his intellect, acumen and leadership qualities to bear on the project to transform Sars into a world-class revenue collection capability. Together with his capable team, including Ivan Pillay, he created not only a performance organisation, but painstakingly created an ethos of a tax-paying culture in the corporate sector.
With this rich history of experience, expertise and dedication, it was natural that he would rise to positions in the centre of the country’s executive leadership. He was appointed as minister of finance in 2009, succeeding Trevor Manuel. A particularly dark era of graft and corruption began to unfold in front of him.
PG became increasingly concerned about this and it plagued him that the country was at risk of losing all of the gains we had made towards advancing democracy and a better life for our people. He, being the epitome of principle, ethical practice and accountability, could not stand idly by. A whole book can be written about this period in the country’s history. Indeed, the Zondo commission itself has documented this dark chapter, and PG stands out singularly as the bulwark against graft, corruption and state capture.
The courage and strength that he displayed in the face of threats and humiliation from his erstwhile comrades took a toll on his family and those dear to him. He stood firm, held the gate and resisted the dark forces of the state capture period. He must be remembered for his singular contribution to saving South Africa.
PG, my mentor, my comrade and my leader through all of our journeys in the South African liberation struggle and in forging a new South Africa, I bid you farewell. You have made an indelible mark on the country and have positively affected the lives of all South Africans. Your ideas, commitment and dedication will continue to inspire all of us.
To Vani, your partner and comrade, and to your daughters Anisha and Priyesha, we wish you strength and want to assure you of our gratitude for giving love and support to PG.
Dipak Patel is the head of climate finance and innovation at the Presidential Climate Commission.